Michael S. Greve Website

Michael S. Greve is a professor at George Mason University School of Law. From 2000 to August, 2012, Professor Greve was the John G. Searle Scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, where he remains a visiting scholar. His most recent book isy The Upside-Down Constitution (Harvard University Press, 2012).

There’s No Telling Where the Money Went

Corruption

My buddy Chris DeMuth and I are about to embark upon a long-term research project on fines, settlements, and fees collected by federal agencies. If we manage to pull it off, you’ll hear more about it.

Why would otherwise sentient humans volunteer for such a green-eyeshades program? Because the government itself doesn’t collect the data—not in one place, and very often not at all; and it doesn’t keep tabs on the spending, either. To paraphrase a leading public finance expert (the late Robert Palmer), the trend is irresistible—and there’s no telling where the money went.  It appears, though, that a bunch of federal agencies have become profit centers for Congress. Our working hypothesis is that that’s bound to have incentive effects throughout the government. None of them, we suspect, are likely to be good.

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Should We Party Like It’s 1938?

Zone euro

In further demonstration that this is a forum for vigorous debate among friends: I strenuously disagree with Brother McGinnis’s post on Scottish independence. As usual he gets the analytics right: no matter how the vote turns out, it will embolden independence movements elsewhere. John is also right in suggesting that the EU has by design and institutional logic fostered such movements. It has done so by design (for example, through regional transfer payments) on the theory that anything that is bad for nation-states must therefore be good for the EU’s federalism project. It has done so by logic because the overall umbrella of free trade (by and large) reduces the expected price of secession. They’ve come a long way. There’s no longer a point in obsessing over a Belgium without a functional government because there is no longer a reason to have a Belgium in the first place.

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Halbig: Another Expert View

The federal judiciary is in great need of expert economic advice, and mercifully some are happy to supply it. “Stop the Anti-Obamacare Shenanigans,” Henry J. Aaron (senior fellow, Brookings), David M. Cutler (professor, Harvard), and Peter R. Orszag (shill, citigroup) plead on the New York Times op-ed page. They urge the Supreme Court to await the D.C. Circuit’s en banc decision in Halbig before granting cert in King v. Burwell. Because if the petitioners’ position and the D.C. Circuit’s ruling—ACA tax credits and mandates apply only under health care exchanges established by states, not to exchanges established by HHS in a state—were to prevail, “it would create total chaos.”

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Federalism, Yet Again: Views From the Citadel

Last Fall, the excellent Jim Fleming (Boston University Law School) organized a fun conference on “America’s Political Dysfunction: Constitutional Connections, Causes, and Cures.”

Part of the conference was a panel inviting Sotirios A. Barber (Notre Dame) and yours truly to critique each other’s books on federalism—respectively, The Fallacies of States’ Rights (Harvard UP, 2013) and The Upside-Down Constitution (Harvard UP, 2012). Both of us took the assignment quite seriously.

Let’s just say there’s not a lot of common ground; it’s a rather pointed exchange. To my mind, though, the colloquy illustrates the high utility (as well as the entertainment value) of the bilateral critique format, which I think Jim Fleming invented. Kudos.

What struck me on flipping through the essays for purposes of this post is just how much of a game changer the ACA has been, or become.

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The German Connection, Part II: Of Law and Citizens

My earlier post suggested that there might be something to learn from the liberal version of the German Rechtsstaat—the tradition that American Progressives ignored when they imported the most authoritarian versions of administrative law then circulating in Germany.

Philip Hamburger rightly calls attention to the Progressives’ selective acquisition, and he fully acknowledges that the liberal tradition, which over the long haul triumphed in Germany, has a great deal going for it. But he is diffident about the liberal Rechtsstaat because it remains rooted, he says, in a legal tradition that is inimical to the common law tradition that (according to Professor Hamburger) the Constitution seeks to enshrine.

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Philip Hamburger’s German Connection, and Mine: Part I

Chapter 24 in Philip Hamburger’s brilliant book on—or rather against—administrative law is entitled “The German Connection.” The Progressive architects of administrative law—Frank Goodnow; Ernst Freund; John Burgess and apparently the rest of Columbia Law School; Woodrow Wilson—all admired the Germans’ post-Hegelian, “scientific” approach to administration. Many had studied at German universities. And so America acquired what she’d never had before: administration. The rule of “experts,” outside constitutional channels and constraints.

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Why Government Fails When It Succeeds

It’s good to be back to blogging. For a warm-up bear with me through a family saga: it may be funny, for you. And there may be a point.

A late uncle of mine (let’s call him “Bruno”) died in 2013. I know little of him except that my mother, then 13 years of age, dragged him (then age 3 or 4) through the Hamburg firestorms in 1943. I met him once—at my grandmother’s funeral, where they had really good food. From various conversations that I did not follow at the time (the 1960s) and cannot now recollect, I understand that my mother and aunt bailed Bruno out of trouble at various times over the decades. His life was fully European—aimless, on public support, and fruitless (so far as we know). It’s a very sad story.

Having been informed of Bruno’s death, we all (with an exception noted below) promptly renounced the inheritance by means of a notarized declaration. The guy can’t own anything except debts, probably including colossal debts to the German government for late-life care: who wants that? But that clever maneuver has come a cropper.

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Halbig and Obamacare: What We Have Learned (Part II)

Herewith, as promised in Part I, a few additional thoughts on Halbig’s lessons. My humble observations aren’t intended as nuanced legal analysis; there’ll be time enough for that as the cases progress. Today’s subject is the broader context of how the doctrines and institutions that have sustained administrative law are coming apart at the seams.

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Halbig and Obamacare: What We Have Learned (Part I)

ObamacareTwo-plus weeks have passed since the D.C. Circuit’s panel decision in Halbig v. Burwell and the Fourth Circuit’s opposite decision in King v. Burwell, a substantially identical case.[1] The King plaintiffs have filed their cert petition; and the government has asked for rehearing en banc in the D.C. Circuit; and the initial agitation has subsided. It’s a fine time to highlight a few lessons that, in my estimation, we have already learned. I offer three sets of observations: today, I’ll focus on the interplay between constitutional and administrative law and on the advocacy network that produced Halbig and its companion cases; tomorrow, I’ll analyze the institutional pathologies and ideological derangements that account for the contretemps.

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Adversarial Corporatism: Additional Thoughts

I am deeply grateful to Brian Mannix and to Peter Conti-Brown for their thoughtful, indeed profound comments on my “adversarial corporatism” post. I am equally grateful to Richard Reinsch and the Liberty Forum for hosting this exchange. To paraphrase the Boss, we learn more from three minutes on this blog than we ever learned in school. Peter has this exactly right: the post was a first cut at developing a conceptual framework for the contemporary regulatory state and its perplexing m.o.—more than a thumb sucker, but way less than a worked-out theory. And Brian may well be right that the moniker…

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The New Cronyism of the Old Rent-Seeking State

Michael Greve’s essay vividly describes some deeply troubling trends in the relationship between the government and the economy. It provides a much needed perspective at a time when politics and policy-making are nothing if not adversarial, and more casual observers succumb to the temptation simply to choose sides without asking how we came to this…

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Does a Sophisticated Theory Miss the Facts?

Michael Greve introduces “adversarial corporatism,” a new conceptual lens through which to view the growing and contentious collaboration of industry and government. Adversarial corporatism takes the conventional story of crony capitalism and regulatory capture—a story appealing to critics on the left and the right alike—and adds a dose of a starker reality: the cooperation is…

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