The restrained vision of the federal judiciary that has for some time dominated the jurisprudence of right-leaning American legal theorists and lawyers in this country is now under fire. In writings both academic and popular, many libertarian and classical liberal scholars clamor for the supposed symmetry of substantive due process or the bold recovery of an expansive listing of natural rights that is, we are told, embodied in the 9th Amendment, and the Privileges or Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Even George Will has reversed his own prior position on judicial restraint to now favor “judicial engagement” to protect so-called non-fundamental liberties and unenumerated rights from the rule of majorities, or what some might call the carefully qualified majorities of our republican constitution.
I first met Professor Derthick in the early 1980s, when she directed the governmental studies programs at the Brookings Institution. She had previously taught at Harvard and Boston College (among other institutions) and, after her Brookings engagement, moved on to the University of Virginia, where she taught until her retirement in 1999. She remained a prolific author and an engaged participant in public debate in her post-retirement years. In those years I directed AEI’s Federalism Project. Martha was a frequent, enthusiastic, and well-nigh irreplaceable participant in our events, even as the trek from Charlottesville became increasingly traffic-snarled and time-consuming.
The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) handed down a decision in December 2014 that has great import for the relationship of church and state as that relationship plays out through institutions of higher learning.
The decision dealt with the Service Employees International Union’s attempt to organize contingent (part-time and non-tenure track) faculty at Pacific Lutheran University, a religiously affiliated institution. The NLRB, by a vote of 3 to 2, articulated with this decision two new principles: first, regarding labor regulation of religiously affiliated colleges and universities, and second, deciding whether and to what extent faculty are to be considered “management” and hence exempt from the Board’s jurisdiction.
This weekend The New York Times presented an article about the current structure of student loan programs. Briefly: because of changes and tweaks to preexisting law, student loan payments are capped at ten percent of income, and debtors are eligible for nontaxable loan forgiveness on the balance after twenty years, or after ten years if they have a government or public interest job.
The enthusiasm of the Times reporter for this development slights three major problems with it. First, differential forgiveness could distort choices in the labor market, to the disadvantage of the private sector.
Life is a long succession of vested interests, though we are inclined to see everyone’s but our own. The term now having mainly a negative connotation, we usually think of some interests—namely those of a pecuniary nature—as being more vested than others. A money-interest is widely thought to be more corrupting than any other. If someone does something of which we disapprove, something dishonest, and we discover that he has benefited financially from it, we say aha, now we understand!
Over at the Originalism Blog, Mike Ramsey and Seth Barrett Tillman have been debating whether House Speaker John Boehner’s invitation to Israel’s Prime Minister Netanyahu to speak to Congress is unconstitutional. See also the posts by David Bernstein and Peter Spiro.
Here I do not want to take a position on the issue, but just to note some interpretive moves that Mike and Seth make concerning the Receive Ambassadors Clause, which provides that the President “shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers.”
Seth argues for a strict reading of ambassador and public minister. He argues that Netanyahu is neither an ambassador nor a public minister. An ambassador has a meaning that excludes heads of government and other public ministers extends only to “diplomatic officials having lesser status or rank than ‘Ambassadors.’” He supports this reading of other public ministers with various other clauses that seem to suggest this reading of other public Ministers. See Article 2, Section 2, Clause 2 (referring to “Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls” as under the scope of the President’s appointment power). See also Article 3, Section 2, Clauses 1 and 2 (similar as to judicial power). As a reading of the language, Seth’s argument here is quite plausible.
The Wall Street Journal, among other news outlets, reports that egg prices in California have risen sharply and are way out of line with prices elsewhere in the West. In 2008, California voters passed an initiative requiring chickens to have much, much bigger cages. California egg farmers protested about the attendant disadvantages. In 2010, the California legislature enacted a law requiring the layers of imported eggs—some four billion per year—to have equally spacious accommodations. The hens have since taken out home improvement loans and installed wall-to-wall carpets. For poorly understood reasons, however, there are fewer of them, and therefore fewer eggs, and therefore…
In his January 21 column for Forbes (“Obama’s SOTU Surprise: A Break for Charity”) Manhattan Institute Vice President Howard Husock speculates that the Obama Administration may at last be coming round to better appreciate the role of philanthropy in American flourishing. The Obama Administration is now proposing to shrink the “trust fund loophole” in favor of nonprofits, meaning that heirs would be subject to capital gains taxes on the original basis of the assets while charities would not.
American political science has lost a significant contributor with the demise of Harry V. Jaffa (1918-2015). We mourn the death of Professor Jaffa, and acknowledge that there will be many celebrations of his life and scholarly achievements to appear, especially from his epigones. Important contributions from Ken Masugi and Peter Lawler have already appeared in this space. As a mentor, Jaffa inspired a large number of graduate students who have assumed posts in the academy and government. We call many of these scholars our friends, and continue to appreciate their interpretative approaches and defense of the American political tradition.
He should also be remembered by those of us who disagreed with him.
It is remarkable that four of the leading likely candidates to become the next President of the United States have had close relatives who were Presidents or were serious candidates for President. The dominant Democrat, Hillary Clinton, is married to Bill Clinton. On the Republican side, Jeb Bush who is perhaps a slight frontrunner, counts both his father and brother among former Presidents. Mitt Romney, the Republican nominee for President in 2012, is also the son of George Romney, a prominent candidate himself. And Rand Paul is the son of Ron Paul, a perennial candidate for President.
In a relatively meritocratic nation, how can our candidates for President have such a hereditary cast? Perhaps it just happens that, of the 200 million adults in the United States, four of the best qualified candidates are close relatives of other Presidents or presidential candidates? But there is a less happy answer: our campaign finance system provides advantages to the politically well connected and hardly anyone is as well connected as the close relatives of those who have been Presidents or have run substantial campaigns.