Filibusters Will Not Prevent Trump from Filling the Scalia Seat

There is much to be said in favor of a supermajority rule for confirming Supreme Court Justices. As Mike Rappaport and I argue in the Judicial Filibuster, the Median Senator and the Countermajoritarian Difficulty, the result of such a rule will be more moderate justices, less likely to go to any extremes. At a more theoretical level, a supermajority rule will temper the countermajoritarian difficulty — the problem created by an unelected judiciary invalidating the decisions of the popularly elected branches.   Judicial review under this confirmation rule would be more likely to impose the long-term limitations on popular government that most people themselves desire.

The filibuster, however, is a weak supermajority rule, because a partisan majority of  Senators can change it any time through the so-called nuclear option. Despite my preference for a supermajority confirmation rule, the filibuster is unlikely to survive, if Senator Chuck Schumer has implied, the Democrats are inclined to filibuster Trump’s Supreme Court nominees. Noah Feldman is thus wrong in claiming that it is plausible that the Supreme Court will continue to operate with only eight members.

First, the filibuster for Supreme Court confirmations has been gravely weakened by the previous Democratic controlled Senate’s elimination of the filibuster for other nominations, both for the executive branch and for the lower federal courts.

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Classical Liberal Resolutions for 2017: Part I

New Year concept - cheering crowd and fireworks

It has been a disorienting year for classical liberals. The presidential candidate of the more classically liberal of the two major parties took some positions wildly at odds with classical liberalism, like opposition to freer trade, enthusiasm for government intervention in corporate decision making, and hostility to some civil liberties.   He won the Presidency in part because of some of those positions.

But then the same candidate announced the nomination of  a substantially better cabinet from the classical liberal perspective than those Hillary Clinton would have appointed. It is through these generally decent appointees that he must largely govern, not by twitter.

He also shows every sign of following through on his commitment to appointing a justice sympathetic to enforcing the constitution as written and thus better implementing a charter broadly reflecting the classical liberalism born in the eighteenth and nineteenth century, although not of modern libertarianism. Once again the relative success of classical liberalism is made even clearer if potential nominees are not evaluated against a standard of utopian perfection, but compared to the result-oriented justices(s) that Hillary Clinton promised to appoint.

Here then are a few classical liberal resolutions for this strange era.

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Make the Court Smaller but Better

Minus button

I fully expect that Donald Trump will put forward an exceptional nominee to fill the Supreme Court vacancy left by Justice Scalia’s death. Given the composition of the Senate and the bench of judicial talent, it should be hard to get this selection of a new Justice wrong.

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No Protestants on the Bench

Columns at the U.S. Supreme Court

As it does every year, a new Supreme Court term has begun in Washington. This time, however, the Court’s composition is a bit unusual. At the moment, the Court has only eight members; a successor for the late Justice Antonin Scalia, who passed away in February, has not yet been appointed. But the Court’s composition is unusual for another reason, too: the religious backgrounds of the justices.

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Trump, the Supreme Court, and the Dog that Won’t Bark (at Least Not for a While)

Courthouse Building

Despite President Obama having the opportunity to remake the U.S. Supreme Court with one nominee, Donald Trump will need to wait for the same opportunity. Not because Congress will confirm Judge Garland, and not because Congress won’t confirm Trump’s nominee, but because of the ideological configuration of the Court, and where Justice Scalia fell in that current configuration in relation to the other justices.

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Which Constitution Will We Live Under?

Architectural Columns on the Portico of a Federal Building in Ne

The Progressive apoplexy over Donald Trump—which is justified on myriad grounds, many of them other than those his critics are articulating—ought not obscure this decisive fact: Trumpism is a disease of Progressive constitutionalism. Its symptoms include an inflamed presidency and Supreme Court—and embrace of the former and a reaction against the latter.

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Presidential Power According to Jack Balkin

oval office

Earlier this month Jack Balkin (Yale Law School) and I found ourselves on an APSA/Claremont Panel on “The Legacy of Justice Antonin Scalia,” alongside Hadley Arkes and Ralph Rossum. We couldn’t find anything to disagree about.

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Hang in There, RBG: The Country Needs You

(MANDEL NGAN/AFP/Getty Images)

Like Mike Rappaport and much of the broader world, I’ve been baffled by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s New York Times ruminations—though not in the same way. Many of her observations strike me as obviously right. (It is in fact high time to move to New Zealand, or some place with lower mountains and even less government). And why should we heap opprobrium on a public official who actually tells the truth? She is wrong, however, not necessarily as a general matter but on her own terms, in deeming a Trump presidency an unthinkable horror: it might be her finest hour. RBG…

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Trump, Clinton, and the Supreme Court

There are many reasons for classical liberals to oppose Donald Trump in the general election, but Supreme Court appointments are not now one of them. We can hardly be confident that his appointments will make America great, but we can be pretty confident that Hillary Clinton’s will end the current project of making the Supreme Court a court of law rather than a dynamo of Progressive politics.

After Donald Trump’s announcement of eleven judges whom he would consider appointing to the Scalia vacancy, many libertarian and conservatives commentators still doubted that Supreme Court appointments were a good reason to support Trump in the general election. They conceded that that those on his list were generally excellent candidates, but suggested that Trump could not be trusted to appoint people like them.

And they certainly have a point: on many issues Trump points in no direction more consistently than a weathervane. Moreover, he has supported a variety of legal causes, like property condemnation on behalf of private development, that would not likely fare well with the kind of justices he has promised to appoint.

Nevertheless, I believe there is a substantial probability, even a likelihood that Trump would follow through on his judicial promises.

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Is an Eight-Member Court Good for the Nation?

balance de la justice.

The Supreme Court yesterday suggested a compromise solution to the contraceptive mandate for religiously oriented service organizations that object to contraception, and required the parties to comment on whether it met their needs. This order, made after oral argument, is very unusual. It likely reflects the fact that the Court was divided 4-4 on the question of whether the Obama’s administration previous accommodation violated the Religious Freedom Restoration Act.

Some initial responses suggest that the compromise might be welcomed by both sides. It should make us reconsider whether a  Supreme Court with an equal number of justices is a bad development for the nation.  A Court with nine justices would likely have come down on one side or another, embittering the side that lost in the culture wars. And when the culture war divide follows the partisan divide on the Supreme Court, the decision would only increase partisan distrust of the institution.

Greater efforts at compromise would be a hallmark of 4-4 court with such divides.  Justices like to render decisions as matter of craft and institutional obligation and would tend to avoid deadlock, where possible. 

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